Chris Hughes Worked to Create Facebook. Now, He Is Working to Break It Up
Chris
Hughes Worked to Create Facebook. Now, He Is Working to Break It Up.
Chris
Hughes has joined leading academics to argue to government officials that
Facebook has engaged in anticompetitive behavior for almost a decade.
By Steve Lohr
July 25, 2019
Chris Hughes used to huddle with Mark
Zuckerberg in a Harvard dorm room building Facebook from scratch. Now, he’s
huddling with regulators to explain why Facebook needs to be broken up.
In recent weeks, Mr. Hughes has joined
two leading antitrust academics, Scott Hemphill of New York University and Tim
Wu of Columbia University, in meetings with the Federal Trade Commission, the
Justice Department and state attorneys general. In those meetings, the three
have laid out a potential antitrust case against Facebook, Mr. Wu and Mr.
Hemphill said.
For nearly a decade, they argue, Facebook
has made “serial defensive acquisitions” to protect its dominant position in
the market for social networks, according to slides they have shown government
officials. Scooping up nascent rivals, they assert, can allow Facebook to
charge advertisers higher prices and can give users worse experience.
Mr.
Hughes’s involvement stands out because few founders have gone on to argue for
the dismantling of their company. As the scrutiny of the world’s biggest tech
companies has intensified in the last year, many of the complaints about them
have come from competitors or academics.
On
Wednesday, Facebook announced that the F.T.C. had started an antitrust
investigation into the company. The Justice Department has also started a broad
antitrust review of the technology industry, as have lawmakers. And on
Thursday, some state attorneys general met with the Justice Department to
discuss competition in the industry.
It is unclear just what role Mr. Hughes,
who left Facebook more than a decade ago and has become increasingly critical
of Facebook in public, is playing in the pitches to regulators. In the slide
presentation, a “Who We Are” page lists Mr. Hughes as the third member of the
group. The page concludes with the bullet point, “Speaking only for ourselves,
not a client.”
But Mr. Hughes could, for example,
provide investigators with leads to current and former company employees and
competitors to interview or subpoena. A partly redacted copy of the slides was
provided to The New York Times, with names of the people to interview blacked
out. Mr. Wu and Mr. Hemphill have shared the redacted version of the slides
with some other antitrust experts. One of them, who asked not to be identified,
sent it to The Times.
Neither Mr. Hemphill nor Mr. Wu would
discuss Mr. Hughes’s involvement, other than to confirm he attended the
presentations.
“He has been an important contributor to
thinking about these issues,” Mr. Hemphill said.
Mr.
Hughes declined to comment, as did Facebook.
Mr.
Hughes, who made hundreds of millions of dollars from his time at Facebook, has
become an outspoken critic of the company’s market power and the need for the
government to take action. In a lengthy Op-Ed article for The
Times in May, he wrote, “We are a nation with a tradition of
reining in monopolies, no matter how well-intentioned the leaders of these
companies may be.”
Mr. Hughes went on to describe the power
held by Facebook and its leader Mr. Zuckerberg, his former college roommate, as
“unprecedented.” He added, “It is time to break up Facebook.”
The
narrative from the two academics and Mr. Hughes in their presentation is that Facebook,
founded in 2004, succeeded in its earlier years by simply outdoing its
competitors, like Myspace, by providing a superior social network including
fewer ads and promises of protecting users’ privacy.
But by 2010, Facebook was scrambling to
adapt to the shift to smartphone computing and the rise of new social network
services, like photo sharing. The company’s response, the presentation says,
was its program to buy upstart rivals. The biggest deals were for Instagram,
the photo sharing service, for $1 billion in 2012, and WhatsApp, the messaging
service, for $19 billion in 2014.
At a House antitrust subcommittee hearing
last week, a Facebook executive, when asked to name its rivals, hesitated and
did not offer a list. Mr. Wu, who also testified, said, “Facebook can’t name
its competitors because they bought them.”
But
in his written testimony, the executive, Matt Perault, director of public
policy at Facebook, listed an array of competitors, including Snapchat,
Telegram, Twitter and YouTube. And he described major acquisitions of companies
like WhatsApp and Instagram as “investments in innovation,” new services for
consumers that Facebook strengthened and expanded with money and resources.
The
theory in the presentation by the two academics and Mr. Hughes is that an
acquisition strategy can be an illegal tactic to shield a monopoly from
competition. An upstart company, they say, need not be a full-fledged
competitor at the time of the purchase, merely a potential threat.
The antitrust precedents, they say,
stretch back to Standard Oil, which was built with a string of corporate
purchases over decades, before the government broke it up in 1911.
“There is a direct connection between the
conduct and the remedy — undo the acquisition,” Mr. Hemphill said in an
interview.
The professors and Mr. Hughes are not
alone in focusing on Facebook’s company-buying campaign. In March,
Representative David Cicilline, Democrat of Rhode Island and chairman of the
House antitrust subcommittee, wrote to the F.T.C., urging the agency begin an
investigation of Facebook.
His first suggested line of inquiry was
the social network’s acquisition campaign. “It is clear that allowing Facebook
to purchase Instagram and WhatsApp has deprived users of critical competition,”
Mr. Cicilline wrote.
Whether the F.T.C. will pursue the
company-buying line of investigation is uncertain. The agency’s investigations,
which can last months or years, are largely conducted in secret. A
representative for the F.T.C. declined to comment.
But
antitrust experts say it may be the most promising target of inquiry, focused
on a handful of acquisitions rather than a broad review of the company’s
conduct in general.
“It
is a plausible theory, and it has the elements of an antitrust case,” said Gene
Kimmelman, a former senior antitrust official in the Justice Department.
But the key, Mr. Kimmelman said, would be
assembling evidence to show that Facebook conducted an intentional campaign to
buy companies regarded as future threats, even if they were fledgling start-ups
at the time. And then, he said, the agency would want to be able to demonstrate
economic harm, like higher prices for advertisers and degraded service for
users.
“This
is not an easy case,” said Mr. Kimmelman, a senior adviser at the consumer
group Public Knowledge.
Steve
Lohr covers technology and economics. He was a foreign correspondent for a
decade, and in 2013, he was part of the team awarded the Pulitzer Prize for
Explanatory Reporting.
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