China ‘has taken the gloves off’ in its thefts of U.S. technology secrets
China ‘has taken the gloves off’ in its thefts of U.S.
technology secrets
By DEL QUENTIN WILBER NOV 16, 2018 | 3:00 AM
It was the great microchip heist — a stunning
Chinese-backed effort that pilfered as much as $8.75 billion in patented
American technology.
U.S. officials say the theft took a year to pull off and
involved commercial spies, a Chinese-backed company, a Taiwanese chipmaker and
employees affiliated with Micron Technology, a U.S.-based microchip behemoth.
Yet what Micron called “one of the boldest schemes of
commercial espionage in recent times” is most notable because it’s not unusual.
Beijing over the last two years has significantly ramped
up its swiping of commercial technology and intellectual property, from jet
engines to genetically modified rice, as U.S. relations with China have grown
more acrimonious under President Trump, according to U.S. officials and
security experts.
“They want technology by hook or by crook. They want it
now. The spy game has always been a gentleman’s game, but China has taken the
gloves off,” said John Bennett, the special agent in charge of the FBI’s San
Francisco office, which battles economic spies targeting Silicon Valley. “They
don’t care if they get caught or if people go to jail. As long as it justifies
their ends, they are not going to stop.”
The Trump administration has toughened its rhetoric
against China and announced several dramatic arrests as the threats — and the
costs — have soared. In a harshly worded speech last month, Vice President Mike
Pence accused Chinese security agencies of masterminding the “wholesale theft
of American technology.”
China long has prioritized stealing U.S. intellectual
property to boost its domestic industries and its rise as a global power,
according to federal law enforcement officials. They say Beijing relies on an
army of domestic computer hackers, traditional spies overseas and corrupt
corporate insiders in U.S. and other companies.
The surge in economic espionage comes as Trump has lobbed
broadsides at China over trade, security and other issues. He has railed
against what he calls China’s unfair trade policies, and has imposed tariffs on
$250 billion of Chinese goods. Beijing has counterpunched, imposing duties on
$110 billion in U.S. goods.
Efforts to resolve the expensive trade war have been
bogged down for months. Trump is expected to meet with Chinese President Xi
Jinping on the sidelines of a Group of 20 summit in Argentina this month.
U.S. officials say Chinese thefts of U.S. commercial
software and technology are relentless, growing and hitting on multiple fronts —
with hackers penetrating corporate and government email and digital networks,
and Chinese operatives recruiting U.S. executives and engineers to spill juicy
secrets.
The spike in hacking is taking place after a marked lull
in such activity during the last two years of the Obama administration.
After a spate of digital attacks on U.S. defense
contractors, telecommunications and other companies traced back to China,
President Obama confronted Xi during an informal summit at Sunnylands estate in
Rancho Mirage in June 2013. Obama said he expressed “deep concerns” about
China’s theft of intellectual property and hacks of private and government
computer networks, warning of “uncharted waters” in global cybersecurity.
When Xi returned in September 2015 for a state visit to
the White House, he and Obama finalized a series of tough cybersecurity
measures. Among them, according to a White House fact sheet, neither government
would “conduct or knowingly support cyber-enabled theft of intellectual
property, including trade secrets or other confidential business information,
with the intent of providing competitive advantages to companies or commercial
sectors.”
U.S. officials say China probably entered the accord to
avoid threatened sanctions and stepped-up legal pressure, including the 2014
indictment of five Chinese military hackers on economic espionage charges.
CrowdStrike, a cybersecurity technology company based in
Sunnyvale, Calif., assessed that Chinese commercial hacks plummeted as much as
90% in the months after the agreement was reached.
That trend has since reversed itself, U.S. officials and
cyber experts say.
Over the last two years, Beijing has dramatically
increased its hacking of U.S. industry, growing far more aggressive in its
economic espionage, said Dmitri Alperovitch, CrowdStrike’s cofounder and chief
technology officer.
“It is being done at a high pace,” Alperovitch said in a
telephone interview. “Is it exactly at the same level as before the accord?
That is harder to tell. But the threat is definitely back and has increased
since 2016.”
Alperovitch and U.S. officials also have noticed a shift
in who is behind the attacks. China’s military is no longer directing the bulk
of the hacks. It appears China’s chief civilian intelligence agency, the
Ministry of State Security, has taken the lead instead.
The trend is troubling because the spy service employs
more sophisticated and seasoned hackers than the military, making it harder to
catch and attribute the digital sabotage or thefts.
“Their tradecraft is much better,” Alperovitch said.
It took federal prosecutors in San Diego years, for
example, to finally bring criminal charges in October against two Chinese
intelligence officers and five alleged hackers. They are accused of conspiring
from 2011 through 2015 to steal aviation and technology data from a slew of
private companies in the U.S. and overseas.
China has also boosted its efforts, U.S. officials say,
to recruit corporate insiders to provide trade secrets.
The Justice Department disclosed in October that the FBI
had arrested a Chinese intelligence operative in Belgium in a sting operation.
Yanjun Xu, a senior officer with the Ministry of State Security, was charged
with attempting to commit economic espionage and steal trade secrets from
multiple U.S. aerospace companies, including GE Aviation, by paying employees
to steal secrets for him.
He was flown to the United States and arraigned in a
federal court in Cincinnati, where GE Aviation has spent decades developing jet
engines and fan blades. The case drew headlines as the first known extradition
of a Chinese spy to face U.S. charges. He has pleaded not guilty.
Several other major economic espionage cases have emerged
in recent months.
In September, federal prosecutors charged a Chicago man
with giving Beijing detailed information on engineers and scientists who might
make good recruits. In August, a former scientist at GlaxoSmithKline, a
pharmaceutical giant, pleaded guilty in Philadelphia to federal charges of
stealing data and research on bio-pharmaceutical products. The scientist,
working with two friends, had established a firm in China, with financial backing
from Beijing, to develop anti-cancer drugs, court records show.
The Justice Department also charged two Chinese
researchers with conspiring to steal rice seeds designed for use in medicine.
“The problem here is the scale and scope of the threat,”
said John Demers, the Justice Department’s assistant attorney general for
national security. ”It is both impressive and frightening. The Chinese are
methodical, persistent and well-resourced. It’s a concerted effort to steal and
gather the know-how to produce technology.”
A representative of the Chinese Embassy in Washington did
not respond to emails seeking comment. China in the past has denied state
support for corporate espionage and has said it is often the victim of U.S.
spying.
The Chinese theft from Idaho-based Micron shows how a
major U.S. technology company was targeted and systematically rifled of trade
secrets, according to a federal indictment unsealed last month in San
Francisco.
Among Micron’s most successful products are dynamic
random-access memory microchips. So-called DRAM semiconductor chips help power
most of the world’s electronic gadgets, including smartphones, computers, cars
and TVs.
Micron controls about 20% of the world’s DRAM market, and
the chips account for about 70% of the company’s annual $30 billion in revenue.
China announced in 2016 that producing its own DRAM chips
was a national security priority. That same year, according to U.S. officials,
the Chinese government provided more than $5 billion to create Fujian Jinhua
Circuit Co. to produce the chips at a factory in Jinjiang, an industrial center
on China’s coast.
But Fujian Jinhua didn’t have the chips or the knowledge
to make them. So it entered into an agreement with a Taiwanese company, United
Microelectronics Corp., or UMC, to provide the technology, according to court
papers filed by U.S. and Taiwanese prosecutors.
To obtain the know-how, prosecutors allege, one of UMC’s
vice presidents, Chen Zhengkun — who also used the name Stephen Chen — turned
to employees at a subsidiary of Micron for help.
Chen had worked for the subsidiary, Micron Memory Taiwan
Co., or MMT, and he recruited several co-workers to join him at UMC. One
engineer brought with him “trade secrets pertaining to the prior, current and
future generations of Micron’s DRAM technology,” federal prosecutors alleged.
Another recruit, a manager, downloaded and brought to
Chen’s company “900 confidential and proprietary files” with Micron data, the
U.S. indictment alleges. Prosecutors estimate the information was worth between
$400 million and $8.75 billion.
Chen and the UMC employees charged in the federal
indictment could not be reached for comment. An attorney representing Fujian
Jinhua and UMC declined comment, but UMC said in a statement that it had
developed technology “fundamentally” different than Micron’s.
In a statement in Chinese on its website, Fujian Jinhua
said it “places great importance on the protection of intellectual property
rights” and it does not “steal other companies’ technology.”
U.S. officials announced the indictment as Fujian
Jinhua’s massive factory is nearing completion and moved to hinder its ability
to export DRAM chips.
The Justice Department has sued to block the companies
from exporting DRAM products to the United States, or from giving the stolen
Micron technology to others. The Commerce Department issued a separate order
prohibiting Fujian Jinhua from obtaining U.S. components needed to manufacture
microchips.
Despite the activity, it may be too late to halt the
damage from the Micron theft.
One of Chen’s recruits, Micron alleged in its own
lawsuit, “spent his last days at MMT in a frenzied dash to pillage as much of
Micron’s confidential data as possible.... The trade secrets [he] stole covered
the gamut of technologies necessary” for Chen’s company to deliver the DRAM
technology to Fujian Jinhua — where Chen later became president and was put in
charge of the DRAM production facility.
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