Uber’s C.E.O. Plays With Fire
Uber’s C.E.O. Plays With Fire
Travis Kalanick’s drive to win in life has led to a
pattern of risk-taking that has at times put his ride-hailing company on the
brink of implosion.
By MIKE ISAAC APRIL 23, 2017
SAN FRANCISCO — Travis Kalanick, the chief executive of
Uber, visited Apple’s headquarters in early 2015 to meet with Timothy D. Cook,
who runs the iPhone maker. It was a session that Mr. Kalanick was dreading.
For months, Mr. Kalanick had pulled a fast one on Apple
by directing his employees to help camouflage the ride-hailing app from Apple’s
engineers. The reason? So Apple would not find out that Uber had been secretly
identifying and tagging iPhones even after its app had been deleted and the
devices erased — a fraud detection maneuver that violated Apple’s privacy
guidelines.
But Apple was on to the deception, and when Mr. Kalanick
arrived at the midafternoon meeting sporting his favorite pair of bright red
sneakers and hot-pink socks, Mr. Cook was prepared. “So, I’ve heard you’ve been
breaking some of our rules,” Mr. Cook said in his calm, Southern tone. Stop the
trickery, Mr. Cook then demanded, or Uber’s app would be kicked out of Apple’s
App Store.
For Mr. Kalanick, the moment was fraught with tension. If
Uber’s app was yanked from the App Store, it would lose access to millions of
iPhone customers — essentially destroying the ride-hailing company’s business.
So Mr. Kalanick acceded.
In a quest to build Uber into the world’s dominant
ride-hailing entity, Mr. Kalanick has openly disregarded many rules and norms,
backing down only when caught or cornered. He has flouted transportation and
safety regulations, bucked against entrenched competitors and capitalized on
legal loopholes and gray areas to gain a business advantage. In the process,
Mr. Kalanick has helped create a new transportation industry, with Uber
spreading to more than 70 countries and gaining a valuation of nearly $70 billion,
and its business continues to grow.
But the previously unreported encounter with Mr. Cook
showed how Mr. Kalanick was also responsible for risk-taking that pushed Uber
beyond the pale, sometimes to the very brink of implosion.
Crossing that line was not a one-off for Mr. Kalanick.
According to interviews with more than 50 current and former Uber employees,
investors and others with whom the executive had personal relationships, Mr.
Kalanick, 40, is driven to the point that he must win at whatever he puts his
mind to and at whatever cost — a trait that has now plunged Uber into its most
sustained set of crises since its founding in 2009.
“Travis’s biggest strength is that he will run through a
wall to accomplish his goals,” said Mark Cuban, the Dallas Mavericks owner and
billionaire investor who has mentored Mr. Kalanick. “Travis’s biggest weakness
is that he will run through a wall to accomplish his goals. That’s the best way
to describe him.”
A blindness to boundaries is not uncommon for Silicon
Valley entrepreneurs. But in Mr. Kalanick, that led to a pattern of repeatedly
going too far at Uber, including the duplicity with Apple, sabotaging
competitors and allowing the company to use a secret tool called Greyball to
trick some law enforcement agencies.
That quality also extended to his personal life, where
Mr. Kalanick mixes with celebrities like Jay Z and businessmen including
President Trump’s chief economic adviser, Gary D. Cohn. But it has alienated
some Uber executives, employees and advisers. Mr. Kalanick, with salt-and-pepper
hair, a fast-paced walk and an iPhone practically embedded in his hand, is
described by friends as more at ease with data and numbers (some consider him a
math savant) than with people.
Uber is grappling with the fallout. For the last few
months, the company has been reeling from allegations of a machismo-fueled
workplace where managers routinely overstepped verbally, physically and
sometimes sexually with employees. Mr. Kalanick compounded that image by
engaging in a shouting match with an Uber driver in February, an incident
recorded by the driver and then leaked online. (Mr. Kalanick now has a private
driver.)
The damage has been extensive. Uber’s detractors have
started a grass-roots campaign with the hashtag #deleteUber. Executives have
streamed out. Some Uber investors have openly criticized the company.
Mr. Kalanick’s leadership is at a precarious point. While
Uber is financed by a who’s who of investors including Goldman Sachs and Saudi
Arabia’s Public Investment Fund, Mr. Kalanick controls the majority of the
company’s voting shares with a small handful of other close friends, and has
stacked Uber’s board of directors with many who are invested in his success.
Yet board members have concluded that he must change his management style, and
are pressuring him to do so.
He has publicly apologized for some of his behavior, and
for the first time has said he needs management help. He is interviewing
candidates for a chief operating officer, even as some employees question
whether a new addition will make any difference. He has also been working with
senior managers to reset some of the company’s stated values. Results of an
internal investigation into Uber’s workplace culture are expected next month.
Through an Uber spokesman, Mr. Kalanick declined an
interview request. Apple declined to comment on the meeting with Mr. Cook. Many
of the people interviewed for this article, who revealed previously unreported
details of Mr. Kalanick’s life, asked to remain anonymous because they had
signed nondisclosure agreements with Uber or feared damaging their relationship
with the chief executive.
Mr. Kalanick’s pattern for pushing limits is deeply
ingrained. It began during his childhood in suburban Los Angeles, where he went
from being bullied to being the aggressor, continued through his years taking
risks at two technology start-ups there, and crystallized in his role at Uber.
Selling Efficiency
Mr. Kalanick grew up in the Northridge neighborhood of
Los Angeles. His parents, Bonnie and Donald Kalanick, made sure he and his
brother, Cory, were never left wanting. He was naturally athletic and
competitive, and excelled at running track and playing football.
At Patrick Henry Middle School, he was a wiry student who
got good grades — putting him in the sights of some older kids who picked on
him. Mr. Kalanick later vowed never to be bullied again and turned the tables
on his tormentors.
He also showed signs of entrepreneurialism. One summer,
he sold knives door-to-door for the cutlery company Cutco. At 18, he started
New Way Academy, his own SAT prep business, with a partner.
The start-up life soon called to him. After attending the
University of California, Los Angeles, to major in computer engineering, Mr.
Kalanick dropped out in 1998 to form a start-up with several classmates. The
company, Scour, became a peer-to-peer file exchange similar to Napster, which
let people digitally share music and media files through legally dubious means.
Scour, which was eventually sued for $250 billion for
alleged copyright infringement, filed for bankruptcy in October 2000, a move
that protected it from the suit. The failure did not stop Mr. Kalanick from
helping to found another Los Angeles start-up, Red Swoosh, four months later.
Red Swoosh made a technology to efficiently transfer large files of digital data;
one of its investors was Mr. Cuban.
Sean Stanton, Red Swoosh’s former vice president for
sales, said of Mr. Kalanick: “Scour was about efficiency. Swoosh was about
efficiency. It’s just the way his brain is wired. It’s like the way Uber works
right now: What’s the fastest, cheapest and most efficient way to get from
point A to point B? That consumes him, and all parts of his life.”
With Red Swoosh, Mr. Kalanick started exhibiting his
hallmark aggressiveness. When the company struggled, Mr. Kalanick and a partner
took the tax dollars from employee paychecks — which are supposed to be
withheld and sent to the Internal Revenue Service — and reinvested the money
into the start-up, even as friends and advisers warned him the action was
potentially illegal.
With Mr. Kalanick desperate to keep Red Swoosh afloat, he
moved back into his parents’ house. He staved off bankruptcy for a second time
by raising another round of funding. The wayward tax dollars eventually went to
the I.R.S.
Mr. Kalanick also decamped to Thailand with his software
team in April 2006 to save money by living cheaply abroad, while also using the
trip as a team-building exercise.
He was interested not only in business during this time.
In 2003 he picked up a registration form to run for governor of California and
registered a website, travis4gov.com, positioning himself as an independent
candidate — though he never followed through with a campaign. In other personal
pursuits, he once held the world’s second-highest score for the Nintendo Wii
Tennis video game.
In 2007, Mr. Kalanick sold Red Swoosh to Akamai, a cloud
services company, for roughly $19 million. The deal turned the executive, who
had headed north to San Francisco, into a millionaire.
By then, some advisers had soured on him. “The Travis
Kalanick I came to know 17 years ago was relentless in pursuit of his goals at
the expense of those who supported him along the way, deluded by his own
embellished personal narrative, and a serial prevaricator,” said Peter Yorke, a
former Red Swoosh adviser and a longtime tech executive.
Others stuck by him. Michael Robertson, chief executive
of MP3.com, an early digital music sharing service, said that he told Mr.
Kalanick, “Sometimes in business you have to battle the establishment, and it
can get brutal and ugly.”
In San Francisco, Mr. Kalanick and Angie You, his
longtime girlfriend, bought a townhouse nestled in the upper hills of the
city’s Castro section. Though the couple have since split, the two remain close
and still speak on a regular basis.
Uber’s Rise
The idea for Uber came in 2009 from Garrett Camp, a
friend of Mr. Kalanick’s, who became fixated on hailing a private luxury car
with a smartphone app after being unable to catch cabs in San Francisco.
Mr. Camp talked about the idea incessantly, including at
Mr. Kalanick’s townhouse, nicknamed the “Jam Pad.” Entrepreneurs frequently
stopped by to brainstorm there, and the house even had its own Twitter account,
controlled by Mr. Kalanick.
UberCab, as it was called at the time, started its
service in San Francisco in May 2010. Mr. Camp and Mr. Kalanick picked that
name to emphasize the convenience of calling a car on demand from an app. Mr.
Kalanick wanted a break from full-time start-up life after running Red Swoosh,
so he and Mr. Camp named Ryan Graves, who responded to a call for help on
Twitter, as chief executive.
A few months later, Mr. Kalanick changed his mind and
took over as UberCab’s chief. He quickly positioned the start-up as an
alternative to the taxi industry. At the time, taxi companies had iron grips in
many towns. City-by-city regulations required procedures like base stations for
cabs, safety measures and other stipulations.
Mr. Kalanick ignored those rules.
“We’re in a political campaign,” he once said at a
technology conference, and the candidate is Uber. The opponent is named Taxi,
he said, adding a rude descriptive. “Nobody likes him, he’s not a nice
character, but he’s so woven into the political machinery and fabric that a lot
of people owe him favors.”
Mr. Kalanick carried that same level of intensity into
Uber’s headquarters, pacing briskly while working by doing laps around the
office. His pacing is so legendary, his father once said, that he wore a hole
in the carpeting.
Mr. Kalanick focused on expanding UberCab quickly. The
company typically sent a small strike team into a new city — say, Seattle — to
aggressively recruit new drivers through Craigslist and other online listings.
Then the team marketed UberCab’s app to increase ridership.
That drew attention from regulators. In October 2010, the
company shortened its name to Uber after receiving a cease-and-desist letter
from San Francisco officials for marketing itself as a taxi company without the
proper licenses and permits.
To influence local legislators to accept Uber, Mr.
Kalanick took extra steps. In 2014, Uber hired Ben Metcalfe, an engineer who
described his job on LinkedIn as building “custom tools to support citizen
engagement across legislative matters” to drive “social good and social
change.”
In practice, Mr. Metcalfe and his team created an
email-based system to aid Uber users and drivers to directly contact local
legislators to lobby for allowing Uber in their cities. The system was similar
to Change.org, a website that pushes social change through online petitions.
City and state officials were soon deluged with emails supporting Uber.
In some places, Uber employees were also told to create
computer programs known as scripts that would automatically vote for the
ride-hailing service in city-administered surveys.
Such tactics were effective. In 2015 when New York’s
mayor, Bill de Blasio, tried capping the number of Uber cars, Uber added a “de
Blasio” tab in its app to show lengthy waiting times for rides if legislation
against Uber was allowed to go forward. People could easily send a form email
to the mayor and the City Council supporting Uber by pressing a button in the
app.
Mr. de Blasio capitulated, and the cap did not take
place.
It did not come naturally. One friend recalled a night
out with a group of married couples at the Gold Club, a San Francisco strip
club, a few years ago. Mr. Kalanick, who was single, pulled out a laptop to
work on a spreadsheet, crunching Uber’s numbers while friends watched the
dancers onstage.
Another friend called Mr. Kalanick a “tech world rock
star,” which means something different in Silicon Valley than in the music
world.
“To work with and around one requires a different kind of
mentality and skill,” said Andy Abramson, an early adviser to Mr. Kalanick. Mr.
Abramson likened the chief executive to other idiosyncratic founders like Jeff
Bezos of Amazon.
Mr. Kalanick was eventually coaxed more into the
limelight by others. Shervin Pishevar, an Uber investor, sometimes took Mr.
Kalanick to clubs in Los Angeles on the weekend, providing a car and a change
of “club clothes.” Mr. Pishevar, who did not respond to a request for comment,
was the Uber chief’s entryway into Los Angeles’s world of celebrity.
Hollywood stars were eager to buy into Uber, which they
had started using to get around. Actors like Edward Norton, Olivia Munn and
Sophia Bush took small stakes in the company. Mr. Kalanick and a top
lieutenant, Emil Michael, sometimes hung out with Leonardo DiCaprio, who is
also an investor, and Jay Z, whose wife, Beyoncé, performed for Uber employees
at a poolside party in Las Vegas in 2015.
Jay Z once wired money to Mr. Michael in an attempt to
invest even more in Uber. Mr. Michael and Mr. Kalanick, giddy at rebuffing a
celebrity, wired some of the money back, saying they already had too many
interested investors. Representatives for Jay Z did not respond to requests for
comment.
Mr. Kalanick also dreamed of luring celebrities into
advisory roles at Uber. One aim was persuading Oprah Winfrey to join the board
— something Uber executives believed could happen after Mr. Kalanick met Ms.
Winfrey at a party on the Spanish island of Ibiza — but the idea never jelled.
A spokeswoman for Ms. Winfrey declined to comment.
Mr. Kalanick began mixing with elite business executives.
He developed a close relationship with Mr. Cohn, then a top-ranking executive
at Goldman Sachs. At one point, the two men spoke on a near daily basis. Mr.
Cohn and a White House spokeswoman did not return requests for comment.
Leadership Principles
Inside Uber, Mr. Kalanick began codifying the pillars of
the company’s culture. He particularly admired Amazon, the e-commerce company
that espouses 14 leadership principles including “learn and be curious” and
“insist on the highest standards.” So he created 14 values for Uber, with
tenets such as being “super pumped” and “always be hustlin’.”
Some employees admired Mr. Kalanick’s deep involvement in
Uber. “TK was hands-on and in the product weeds,” said Chris Messina, who left
Uber in January, using Mr. Kalanick’s nickname. “He cared deeply about the
product and the people building it.”
Mr. Kalanick’s main mantra was “growth above all else.”
That meant Uber’s top performers were often promoted and
protected. When one general manager, a title for a city-level chief, threw a
coffee mug at a subordinate in a fit of rage, the incident was reported to
human resources — but there was no follow-up. At the time, Uber’s business in
the general manager’s city was strong.
Other complaints also fell on deaf ears.
After a backlash over Uber’s use of “surge pricing”
(raising ride prices when demand is high) amid an East Coast snowstorm in 2013,
Mr. Kalanick’s response to upset riders was a torrent of economics and math.
“We did more trips because of our approach, not fewer,”
he said in an interview with Wired at the time. “We gave people more options to
get around, and that is the whole frickin’ goal.”
Friends and employees told Mr. Kalanick that he should at
least pretend to care about how it looked to take such a hostile stance with
Uber’s users. Several described him as “emotionally unintelligent.”
Mr. Kalanick made other missteps. In 2014, he and his
then-girlfriend, Gabi Holzwarth, went to an escort bar in South Korea with Mr.
Michael and other Uber employees, where they drank and sang karaoke, and some
members of the party picked out women as their dates for the evening. The
incident, reported by The Information, resulted in a human resources complaint
from an employee who attended.
The same year, Mr. Kalanick discussed how Uber had
boosted his desirability with women in an interview with GQ, calling the
company “boob-er.”
And just days after a former employee published a blog
post in February detailing sexual harassment at Uber, Mr. Kalanick attended
Vanity Fair’s Academy Awards party in Hollywood, stunning some colleagues with
his perceived insensitivity.
His desire for growth also knew few limits. Uber plunged
into China in 2013, and Mr. Kalanick spent billions of dollars to outgun the
local incumbent Didi Chuxing — only to have to retreat last year, partly
because of heavy losses. Mr. Kalanick is now spending heavily in India to win
there, even offering to become an Indian citizen if it will help Uber’s
prospects. The company has said that it lost $2.8 billion in 2016, excluding
China.
For the Win
With Mr. Kalanick setting the tone at Uber, employees
acted to ensure the ride-hailing service would win no matter what.
They spent much of their energy one-upping rivals like
Lyft. Uber devoted teams to so-called competitive intelligence, purchasing data
from an analytics service called Slice Intelligence. Using an email digest
service it owns named Unroll.me, Slice collected its customers’ emailed Lyft
receipts from their inboxes and sold the anonymized data to Uber. Uber used the
data as a proxy for the health of Lyft’s business. (Lyft, too, operates a
competitive intelligence team.)
Slice confirmed that it sells anonymized data (meaning
that customers’ names are not attached) based on ride receipts from Uber and
Lyft, but declined to disclose who buys the information.
Uber also tried to win over Lyft’s drivers. Uber’s
“driver satisfaction rating,” an internal metric, has dropped since February
2016, and roughly a quarter of its drivers turn over on average every three
months. According to an internal slide deck on driver income levels viewed by
The New York Times, Uber considered Lyft and McDonald’s its main competition for
attracting new drivers.
To frustrate Lyft drivers, Uber dispatched some employees
to order and cancel Lyft rides en masse. Others hailed Lyfts and spent the
rides persuading drivers to switch to Uber full time.
After Mr. Kalanick heard that Lyft was working on a
car-pooling feature, Uber created and started its own car-pooling option,
UberPool, in 2014, two days before Lyft unveiled its project.
That year, Uber came close to buying Lyft. At a meeting
at Mr. Kalanick’s house, and over cartons of Chinese food, he and Mr. Michael
hosted Lyft’s president, John Zimmer, who asked for 15 percent of Uber in
exchange for selling Lyft. Over the next hour, Mr. Kalanick and Mr. Michael
repeatedly laughed at Mr. Zimmer’s audacious request. No deal was reached. Lyft
declined to comment.
The rivalry remains in force. In 2016, Uber held a summit
meeting in Mexico City for some top managers, where it distributed a playbook
on how to cut into Lyft’s business and had sessions on how to damage its
competitor.
To develop its own business, Uber sidestepped the
authorities. Some employees started using a tool called Greyball to deceive
officials trying to shut down Uber’s service. The tool, developed to aid driver
safety and to trick fraudsters, essentially showed a fake version of Uber’s app
to some people to disguise the locations of cars and drivers. It soon became a
way for Uber drivers to evade capture by law enforcement in places where the
service was deemed illegal.
After The Times reported on Greyball in March, Uber said
it would prohibit employees from using the tool against law enforcement.
The idea of fooling Apple, the main distributor of Uber’s
app, began in 2014.
At the time, Uber was dealing with widespread account
fraud in places like China, where tricksters bought stolen iPhones that were
erased of their memory and resold. Some Uber drivers there would then create
dozens of fake email addresses to sign up for new Uber rider accounts attached
to each phone, and request rides from those phones, which they would then
accept. Since Uber was handing out incentives to drivers to take more rides,
the drivers could earn more money this way.
To halt the activity, Uber engineers assigned a
persistent identity to iPhones with a small piece of code, a practice called
“fingerprinting.” Uber could then identify an iPhone and prevent itself from
being fooled even after the device was erased of its contents.
There was one problem: Fingerprinting iPhones broke
Apple’s rules. Mr. Cook believed that wiping an iPhone should ensure that no
trace of the owner’s identity remained on the device.
So Mr. Kalanick told his engineers to “geofence” Apple’s
headquarters in Cupertino, Calif., a way to digitally identify people reviewing
Uber’s software in a specific location. Uber would then obfuscate its code for
people within that geofenced area, essentially drawing a digital lasso around
those it wanted to keep in the dark. Apple employees at its headquarters were
unable to see Uber’s fingerprinting.
The ruse did not last. Apple engineers outside of
Cupertino caught on to Uber’s methods, prompting Mr. Cook to call Mr. Kalanick
to his office.
Mr. Kalanick was shaken by Mr. Cook’s scolding, according
to a person who saw him after the meeting.
But only momentarily. After all, Mr. Kalanick had faced
off against Apple, and Uber had survived. He had lived to fight another day.
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