Why are we living in an age of anger – is it because of the 50-year rage cycle?
Why are we living in an age of anger – is it because of
the 50-year rage cycle?
From passive-aggressive notes on ambulance windscreens to
bilious political discourse, it feels as though society is suddenly consumed by
fury. What is to blame for this outpouring of aggression?
‘Unprocessed anger pollutes the social sphere. Every
outburst legitimises the next.’
By Zoe Williams Wed 16 May 2018 01.00 EDT Last modified
on Wed 16 May 2018 06.52 EDT
A neighbour objected to a young couple from Newcastle
being naked in their own home. “We are sick of seeing big bums, big boobs and
little willy,” was the core message of the note, crescendoing to: “We will
report you both for indecent exposure.” It is such a small thing, banal,
without consequence. It connects to no wider narrative and conveys nothing but
the bubbling discomfort of human beings living near each other. Yet when Karin
Stone (one of the nakeds) posted the note on Facebook, 15,000 people pored over
it. An Australian radio show interviewed her. I have got to be honest, I am
heavily emotionally invested in the story myself and I do not regret a second
of the time I have spent reading about it.
There is a through-line to these spurts of emotion we get
from spectatorship: the subject matter is not important. It could be human
rights abuse or a party-wall dispute; it does not matter, so long as it
delivers a shot of righteous anger. Bile connects each issue. I look at that
note, the prurience and prissiness, the mashup of capital and lower-case
letters, the unlikeliness that its author has a smaller bum or a bigger willy,
and I feel sure they voted for Brexit. The neighbours are delighted by their disgust
for these vigorous, lusty newlyweds, I am delighted by my disgust for the
neighbours, radio listeners in Australia are delighted. We see rage and we meet
it with our own, always wanting more.
There was the mean note left on the car of a disabled woman
(“I witnessed you and your young able-bodied daughter … walk towards the
precinct with no sign of disability”); the crazed dyspepsia of the woman whose
driveway was blocked briefly by paramedics while they tried to save someone’s
life. Last week, Highways England felt moved to launch a campaign against road
rage, spurred by 3,446 recorded instances in a year of motorists driving
straight through roadworks. Violent crime has not gone up – well, it has, but
this is thought mainly to reflect better reporting practices – but violent
fantasies are ablaze. Political discourse is drenched in rage. The things
people want to do to Diane Abbott and Luciana Berger make my eyes pop out of my
head.
But what exactly are we looking at? Does any of this have
a wider social meaning? Does it place us at a perilous point on the curve of
history, on the tinderbox of a grand explosion? Or is it that some things –
cars, social media – are really bad for our mental health?
There is a discipline known as cliodynamics, developed at
the start of the century by the scientist Peter Turchin, which plots historical
events by a series of mathematical measures. Some are obvious – equality – and
some take a bit of unpacking (“elite overproduction”, for example; as a
consequence of inequality, there are periods in history when there are too many
extremely rich people for the positions of power that extremely rich people
typically occupy. This results in them going rogue and buying themselves into
power by hosing money at elections.
Donald Trump is the ultimate human face of elite
overproduction.
These measures yield a map of history in which you can
see spikes of rage roughly every 50 years: 1870, 1920, 1970 (you have to allow
a little wiggle room to take in the first world war and 1968). Cycles of
violence are not always unproductive – they take in civil rights, union and
suffragette movements. Indeed, all social movements of consequence start with
unrest, whether in the form of strike action, protest or riot. Some situate
economics at the heart of the social mood: the Kondratiev wave, which lasts
between 40 and 60 years (call it 50 and it will correspond neatly with the
cycle of violence), describes the modern world economy in cycles of high and
low growth, where stagnation always corresponds with unrest.
David Andress is a professor of history at the University
of Portsmouth and the author of Cultural Dementia, a fascinating account of how
the slash-and-burn rage of the present political climate is made possible only
by willfully forgetting the past. He counsels against what could become an
indolent understanding of history – if everything is a wave and the waves just
happen, what is there to discover? – but he allows that “everything has to come
back to economics unless you’re rich. Economics is about scarcity and
insecurity turns very quickly into anger and scapegoating.”
“As a historian and as a teacher, I’m always trying to
get people to understand that societies in general are violent and hierarchical
places,” he says. “People like you and me have wanted societies to be less
violent and hierarchical and we have worked at that. We’ve never actually
succeeded. We’ve managed to persuade people to take their foot off other
people’s throats, when they felt secure enough.” Anger is remarkable not in and
of itself, but when it becomes so widespread that it feels like the dominant
cultural force. What is notable to Andress is the counterfactual – the periods
in history not marked by fury. “Antagonism never goes away. That is what has
made the postwar project quite exceptional, the EU project quite exceptional.”
Ah, the EU. Perhaps another time.
The psychotherapeutic perspective would not reject these
economic factors, nor argue that anger is a new phenomenon. But there are
elements of the human emotional journey that are novel and are driven by modern
conditions. Aaron Balick, a psychotherapist and the author of a perceptive and
surprisingly readable academic account, The Psychodynamics of Social
Networking, says: “I think for sure anger is more expressed. What you see of it
is a consequence of emotional contagion, which I think social media is partly
responsible for. There’s an anger-bandwagon effect: someone expresses it and
this drives someone else to express it as well.” Psychologically speaking, the
important thing is not the emotion, but what you do with it; whether you vent,
process or suppress it.
We are in an age where the trigger event can be something
as trivial as a cranky git who does not like nudity. Thanks to Facebook, 15,000
people can get a righteous thrill of expressed rage. Wherever we are on the
Kondratiev curve, ours is a materially different life experience to one in
which you would only come together in fury for something serious, such as
destroying a ploughshare or burning a witch.
“Hysteria is not a particularly politically correct term
anymore, because it’s kind of misogynist, but it does have a technical
meaning,” says Balick. “A hysterical emotional response is when you’re having
too much emotion, because you’re not in touch with the foundational feeling. An
example would be office bitching. Everybody in the office is bitching and it
becomes a hysterical negativity that never treats itself; nobody is taking it
forwards.” This has the hammer thud of deep truth. I have worked in only a
couple of offices, but there was always a gentle hubbub of whinging, in which
important and intimate connections were forged by shared grievance, but it was
underpinned by a deliberate relinquishing of power. You complained exactly
because you did not intend to address the grievance meaningfully.
Social media has given us a way to transmute that anger
from the workplace – which often we do not have the power to change – to every
other area of life. You can go on Mumsnet to get angry with other people’s lazy
husbands and interfering mother-in-laws; Twitter to find comradeship in fury
about politics and punctuation; Facebook for rage-offs about people who shouted
at a baby on a train or left their dog in a hot car. These social forums
“enable hysterical contagion”, says Balick, but that does not mean it is always
unproductive. The example he uses of a groundswell of infectious anger that
became a movement is the Arab spring, but you could point to petitions websites
such as 38 Degrees and Avaaz or crowdfunded justice projects. Most broad,
collaborative calls for change begin with a story that enrages people.
To distinguish “good” anger from “bad” anger – indeed, to
determine whether anything productive could come of a given spurt of rage – it
is worth considering the purpose of anger. “Its purpose is to maintain personal
boundaries. So, if somebody crosses you, gets in your space, insults you,
touches you, you’re going to get angry and the productive use of anger is to
say: ‘Fuck off,’” Balick says.
The complicating feature of social media is that “someone
might be stepping on our identity or our belief system”. So, the natural sense
of scale you get in the offline world – a stranger could run over your toes
with a shopping trolley but, being a stranger, would find it hard to traduce
your essential nature – is collapsed in the virtual one. In the act of
broadcasting who we are – what we believe, what we look like, what we are
eating, who we love – we offer up a vast stretch of personal boundary that
could be invaded by anyone, even by accident. Usually it is not an accident,
though; usually they do it on purpose.
However, if it gives you a fillip to lie in bed checking
whatever news or chat feed nourishes you, then experience a short thrill of
indignation, is that a bad thing? Could it just be supplying the insignificant
boost we used to get from smoking? There is certainly a hormonal response
(“There’s always a physical manifestation; emotions aren’t a made-up thing,”
Balick says), but it is not an obvious one: Neus Herrero, a researcher at the
University of Valencia, “stimulated” anger in 30 men (with “first-person”
remarks) and found a variety of apparent contradictions. Cortisol, which you
would expect to go up, since it is the stress hormone, goes down; testosterone
goes up and heart rate and arterial tension go up. Herrera discovered an oddity
in “motivational direction” – usually, positive emotions make you want to get
closer to the source, while negative ones make you want to withdraw. Anger has
a “motivation of closeness”, which Herrera explains simply: “Normally, when we
get angry, we show a natural tendency to get closer to what made us angry to
try to eliminate it.”
Like any stimulant, it has addictive properties: you
become habituated to it and start to rove around looking for things to make you
angry. Rage has an illusion of power, the way the Incredible Hulk takes
peculiar pride in the destructive potential of his strong emotion. “You
wouldn’t like me when I’m angry” is such a curious catchphrase; the only
logical response is: “I don’t like anyone when they are angry.” But it manages
to make sense on a deeper, primeval level.
The important consequences are not for your own health,
but rather for that of society as a whole. Unprocessed anger pollutes the
social sphere. Every outburst legitimises the next. And we have landed – I like
to think by accident – on a technology that perpetuates it and amplifies it,
occasionally productively, but more often to no purpose at all. Writ large on a
world stage – take Trump or Viktor Orbán, the prime minister of Hungary,
venting unmediated fury for political effect – we can see how denaturing it is,
how it gates off all other, less exhilarating responses, such as empathy.
People getting so angry about traffic cones that they
drive straight into them, while effing and jeffing at a workman in a hi-vis
jacket, may or may not be a harbinger of greater social unrest, but I remember
the John Major years and his cones hotline. Whatever cones signify, it is never
anything good.
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